(0:00 - 0:06) Hi everybody, I am Madison Holmes. And I am Maycee Holmes. And you're watching Holmes Squared. (0:08 - 0:30) Yeah, that's how you do it. Today we have one of our favorite guests again, Matthew Ehret, but this time we're not, now that we've all been introduced to him and we know his whole life story and his deepest darkest secrets, we can just jump right into his brain. You do? How did you find out? He leaves, he just leaves right now. (0:30 - 0:34) I am puked. I'm so embarrassed. I'm out of here, yeah. (0:36 - 0:51) No, we had a very, all of us are like really tired because we had a very long weekend of events. Not just, this weekend we actually had Matthew came down to Calgary once again to talk at this event. This is The Courage to Listen. (0:51 - 1:07) Building a framework for a sovereign Alberta. Yes, and before people go, oh Alberta again. This was, this town hall, the point of town halls is you're meant to have a dialogue, you know, you have all opposing sides. (1:08 - 1:24) And for everybody that goes on the website, you can scroll down and then you can watch it now. There were a bunch of streams from across the province. I had people emailing me in the middle of the presentations going, is your family there? This is so great. (1:26 - 1:48) But at the very beginning, the CA, Constituency Association, that's in under the umbrella of the UCP party that held this town hall, the MLA said, I tried to invite monarchists and people that were pro-Canada. I wanted all sides of the conversation. They refused to come. (1:48 - 2:08) So this is not some echo chamber pushing of an agenda, even though there are people that were from the APP. We tried to get people not on the APP, on the other side of the spectrum, and they didn't want to touch it with a ten-foot pole. So that's, that's something that you take up with those people, not the people putting on the town hall who tried to do their due diligence. (2:09 - 2:25) But since we have Matthew here and him talking at this event, I, we all, my whole clan kind of felt it relevant to bring him on here. Him talking at the town hall. Matthew is from the east side of Canada. (2:25 - 2:36) He's from there. He's, he's, he's, you know, from Montreal. And so we had a couple speakers from Montreal there to give us their perspective. (2:36 - 3:00) And I wanted to bring that up again here. Why did Matthew, you even want to come to Alberta? Why, what is your stake as somebody that's on the east side of Canada? Because is this just an Alberta specific thing? You're also a Canadian historian or historian more broadly. So you've seen independence movements and you've seen minorities and majorities want to split. (3:00 - 3:27) You've seen all of the, even coups. And so what was your stake and why did you come? What does your relevance have for this kind of movement? Yeah. Well, and it's a bit of an irony too, right? Because I am the editor and founder of the Canadian Patriot Review Magazine, which one would think, well, because I'm, I'm rather sympathetic to what's happening right now in Alberta. (3:27 - 4:14) Does that not make me an anti-Canadian sort of a traitor or something? What does that even mean? And in the context of the book series, The Untold History of Canada, that emanated out of the research, reconstructing a lot of this unknown or this, this forgotten history. It became more and more clear over those years between 2012 and 2019 when I published those books that much of what we thought Canada was as far as the popular national myths of Canada were largely crafted for geopolitical purposes to keep Canadians compliant to a system of global empire that utilizes Canada as a geographic beachhead of control exercising since the 18th. Actually, I was going to say since the 1860s, 1867, when the BNA Act was created. (4:15 - 5:16) We're just, I think that, I mean, by the time the show airs, it'll be the day after Canada Day. So that's a bit auspicious, but, but really you could even go further back than that, even still to the earliest days of the 1791 First Constitution and even the, you know, British control over French, French Canada in the, the years leading up to the Revolutionary War itself of 1776. There's always been this idea of using both geographically as well as culturally, as well as economically the territory of the North in order to project power for disruptive purposes against Republican initiatives that were being made by figures around George Washington, the leaders of Henry Clay of the 1830s and 40s of people like Lincoln and his followers in the years after the civil war, even the murder of Lincoln himself was something I was surprised to find out could not have happened were it not for the Confederacy intelligence operations that the British provided to the Confederacy in Montreal and Toronto and Kingston, but especially in Montreal. (5:18 - 6:03) And that continued on even up until my research of John F. Kennedy's murder, which couldn't have been made possible were it not for the organizing hand of a British intelligence operation, again, in Montreal, not that far removed, maybe a few miles from the headquarters of the Confederacy a century earlier, that was even today located in the world trade center area of the, um, the square Victoria center. It was known as permanent decks, permanent industrial exposition run by a high level British intelligence figure named Louie Mortimer Bloomfield. And, uh, and that was the, the body or the group that, uh, the former district attorney of new Orleans, uh, Jim Garrison had found to be culpable and behind as a coordinating hand of the very complex operation to murder JFK again. (6:04 - 6:27) So Canada was not what I thought it was. And so the more I realized that it was because its identity was principally as an expression of a global imperial power through banking as well as cultural and other of big capital O other forms of subversion, also blocking different moments, um, the emergence of us Russian collaboration on the Arctic. That's been part of our history. (6:28 - 6:35) The thing that I would normally be against, because I am a nationalist, I'm, I'm for protectionism. I'm, I'm a nationalist. That's how I identify myself. (6:35 - 7:02) I've seen that that's been the primary tool by which humanity has won freedom against the system of oligarchism over many, many centuries was the creation and then use of the nation state. I'm usually very much against divide to conquer any things. So anytime somebody comes up with an idea of dissolving the power of a nation state into sub blocks or ethno ethno nationalistic subgroupings, as has been done to Yugoslavia after the balkanization process there or anywhere, I'm usually against it. (7:02 - 8:04) Um, however, you know, because Canada is a pseudo country, it's not, it's unfortunately, there are elements of it that are legitimate and historically beautiful, but that is not what has been shaping things over the past 50, 60 years, especially since Diefenbaker was ousted in 1963. Um, I would say in the case of Alberta's claims and desires for independence that have been recently kindled after many years of abuses, I've become much more sympathetic to it because I don't see Canada as a nation, but rather as an appendage of a global empire and an evil one at that in a very similar vein as the American founding fathers had been looking to the British empire of their years and seeing and hoping that there was maybe something that could be worked with and just that could be changed to treat the colonists more fairly to allow the manufacturers to be less suffocating and permit them the rights for a bit more freedoms, you know, and that didn't happen after many years of, of offering and fighting to try to get that negotiating. It didn't work in a breaking point finally hit, which resulted in what we saw. (8:04 - 8:25) Now, does this mean that what I think of as being the Alberta independence movement must necessarily be a violent one as it was in 1776? No, certainly not. I think we've come a long way and there's many more mechanisms to, to utilize, to, to bring justice. Let's just say into the four at a time of global crisis. (8:26 - 8:55) So for me as a, as a East coast Canadian I try to see myself as a human first. What is, what is good for humanity? I'm a nationalist second. So how does my idea of my nation support my idea of the wellbeing of, of humanity? And, and frankly, there's a, there's a quote that goes from, from Gaspard Monge, who was the, the head of the Ecole Polytechnique in France during the Napoleonic wars. (8:55 - 9:02) And he was a Republican, a friend of Ben Franklin, a sympathizer with the American cause. But unfortunately France had turned into a bloodbath. That's a whole story unto itself. (9:03 - 9:22) And he had made the point that it's better to have Republicans without a Republic than a Republic without Republicans. And culturally that's a pretty potent idea. And that's what I sort of see in Alberta is culturally, I see, you know, you, you have to have a certain moral value system and a certain cultural standard available. (9:22 - 9:54) That's shaping the identities of people who see that their rights are tied to responsibilities in order to have any type of possibility for a nation to emerge. Even if Canada, I used to be, you know, involved with the committee for the Republic of Canada and we would organize for that out for that outcome for many years from 2006 until 2016. I was doing that quite regularly, but I realized that economically and as well as in the shadow government structures of the Privy Council that actually control most of the big decisions, domestic and foreign of Canada. (9:55 - 10:19) And culturally just talking to the citizens, whether in Ontario or whether in Quebec, there was just nothing viable as far as a Republican culture that sees that we are responsible for the consequences of our actions, as well as for the policies of our nation that we have to be involved with. Except in Alberta, I see something different. And Alberta has been at the heart of a lot of the, the things that have changed my idea of hope for Canada as a whole from the freedom movement. (10:20 - 10:49) I'm sorry, the freedom convoy that definitely gave me a lot of inspiration in, you know, 2021 when I went down there in Ottawa and, and I was very moved and it didn't take me long to discover that none of that would have been possible were it not for the organizers that came out of Alberta principally that made that happen. And then I started, you know, hanging out and meeting you guys, getting to see different freedom groups and communicating with different freedom oriented people in Alberta. And there's something that I've never encountered before. (10:50 - 11:26) So do I think it can necessarily work? Well, I don't know, but I do know what principally historically has scared the oligarchy. And I know that the process now underway in Alberta exhibits certain important real aspects of that human quality, that human thing that the oligarchy has been afraid of. And, um, as I tried to get across my component of, of the presentation at the event, um, you know, I, I was asked to try to encourage people who are maybe on the fence to side a little bit, to become more sympathetic, let's just say with the, the independence clause or the independence cause. (11:26 - 11:48) And so I was asked to speak a little bit more about the global situation and what Mark Carney's role is in rewiring Canada within that global dynamic, which is not looking great. And, uh, and from there, what do Albertans really want for their children's destiny within the context of what we know Mark Carney's assignment is to bring Canada into something really bad. That's interesting. (11:48 - 12:11) So in that case, it's almost, see, you're not the only historian that was at, um, a courage to listen. There was, um, Michael Wagner. And again, for people that you can find all the speeches, you could watch the whole thing if you wanted, but if you like cherry picking, cause I know there's those people, uh, you can, every individual speech is right here on the website. (12:11 - 12:31) So, but we had Dr. Michael Wagner, who is also a, um, Alberta specific and Canadian historian. And then, uh, Ben Trudeau, who has a lot of Quebec, um, history under his belt having come from there. But the difference between those two and you Matthew is that those two are now based in Alberta. (12:32 - 12:56) So there's almost, there's an Alberta bias kind of, so to speak, but for you, you, you're not based here. So your perspective is not even necessarily about Alberta. It's about the broader picture of Canada, which is interesting because even me and Maycee being in the, being for, um, Alberta sovereignty, it's, we have your perspective under our belts. (12:56 - 13:08) There's a side of the movement, which is, they're not looking at any of the things you're brought up. They don't even know much about Mark Carney. They know nothing about the oligarch and how Canada was built as a wedge. (13:08 - 13:45) So they're just for Alberta from being, um, economically violated over the years. But then where I guess even me and Macy, because of your work and your perspective is a bit more towards the center is because it's less about this Alberta patriotism and also about this broader picture of like overall allegiance to something that we now know is not what we thought it was being Canada. So it's all, it's not necessarily the position from nowhere, but it's not, that's the different perspective out of all of the ones that were at the Alberta town hall. (13:45 - 13:58) Cause most of them were from Alberta minus you and Bruce party. So that is something that I'm now kind of getting my head wrapped around. That is interesting. (13:59 - 14:22) Yeah. Yeah, absolutely. And well, I, I think that the idea would be in, in can become viable, much more viable than it currently is because I think right now people still have a little bit too emotion, too much emotions and sense of pain and injustice animating their strategy and not enough of a sense of a concrete vision of what do you want? Like what exactly? Okay. (14:22 - 14:44) Let's say we, we were free. Now we're in our own country. What does that really look like? Did we really think it through? And, and what, what is required as far as a national bank? Do we, do we wield and utilize the, the Alberta treasury? There's other credit unions that are robust and could be wielded, harnessed together to generate a form of national credit. (14:44 - 14:56) But if you do that, okay, well, and what, then what do you want? Like, we certainly have a lot of resources. There's a lot of resources under the soil. You know, a lot of them that are being exploited and turn into money. (14:56 - 15:40) We know that the Albertans are not benefiting by a lot of that because it's being sent away through equalization payments to other provinces in the East that creates a lot of resentment. Um, some of it's then sent back great, but then it is in just in terms of the quantity and in terms of how much debt Alberta has been put into. And in terms of also like, what do you want for the next several generations? You know, John Diefenbaker, whom I really respect had a solid vision that, that, that had a V a view of a multi-generational Canada based upon the idea of, um, the Arctic vision, the Northern vision for bill extending rails, roads, new cities into the Arctic to redefine sort of a frontier spirit. (15:40 - 15:49) Um, you know, Alberta has so much of that potential. It's so very underdeveloped that we could certainly do with more vision. I would like to see that. (15:49 - 16:38) And I do like, I was impressed that Jeff Rath at, by the end of his presentation, he did announce that they're on the verge of, uh, creating sort of an, an, uh, an economic audit of all of the capabilities of, of the resources and everything, um, of Alberta that could really help inspire people to really appreciate what an economic powerhouse this is and really still could yet be. Um, so I think that there's, there's a, there's stuff that is underdefined. And also I would say something underdefined, which is going to destroy, I hate using that big language, but, uh, destroy the hopes of, of an independent Alberta would be the tendency, like you guys said, to ignore the global dynamic a little bit too much in that we are living through a global systemic economic breakdown. (16:38 - 17:07) That's a thing that's real. Um, it's coming. And that tidal wave is moving faster and faster towards us due to the not decisions that were made over the past several years, but really several decades, uh, to become a consumer society and, and build an, an entire economy around gambling principles, speculative assets on unpayable rates of debts that are gambled and bundled, securitized upon and gambled to make fictitious capital, which looks real mathematically in, from the standpoint of a wall street banker or somebody, but it's none of it's real. (17:08 - 17:26) The real GP is, is, and the purchasing power and just power in general of society to sustain itself has been collapsing year to year for the past 40 years of this consumerist cult. So now we're it's the, the chickens are coming home to roost. And so we got to realize that we need defensive measures against that. (17:26 - 17:35) You got to be able to provide a PR, you know, some form of a protective firewall. Ideally it would happen on the national level. That's the best way it would work, uh, to defend the people from the collapse. (17:35 - 17:58) And that's why I'm for the nation state in general is because the nation state alone has the power to enforce that type of, um, breaking up of the banks, the protections that we had seen in the 1930s, um, to protect the people from the speculative bubbles that are popping. I mean, I'm hoping that there's something in the, in the United States, some people around Trump who might be prepared to do this, but I don't know. I don't, I haven't seen them. (17:58 - 18:12) I don't think Scott Bessent is, is equipped to do such a thing. I don't see it in Europe. I do see it in other countries of the, of Eurasia, a certain interest to protect their people from the systemic breakdown and the violent death cult that wants. (18:12 - 18:21) Do you mean to say that the golden dome is not about protecting the United States? Right. I brought that up too. Yeah, that's right. (18:22 - 19:00) So that was a part of my, my presentation too. Cause Canada is, uh, you know, Mark Carney not only has set the stage for the EU Canada comprehensive partnership, which was passed just a couple of days before my presentation to enmesh Canada with the European structure, even more as a pathway towards full membership of the European union. But also as King Charles came down and gave his, his throne speech, um, and gave that order like right out of the gate saying Canada is expected by his majesty to, um, to be a part of the rearm Europe program. (19:00 - 19:32) That's a big, big component of the oncoming preparations for war with Russia and with China and maybe more countries. So you've got all of these things going on and then you have the iron dome, which involves, extending effectively military, uh, NATO connected military systems that are large, more and more transhumanist AI managed into the Canadian Arctic. That involves, I think a component of that is the AI data centers that they're preparing to, to expand vastly in Alberta is a big place where there's a lot of energy cause they do take a lot of energy. (19:33 - 20:29) And, uh, the Arctic of Canada where they're Justin Trudeau already signed into law, not into law, but he passed a, a, uh, a measure for a new defense strategy for Canada a year ago that Carney, I think might've been behind it as well for installing long range missiles into the Canadian Arctic that, that they won't say, or they won't yet admit openly is a part of the golden dome program that president Trump announced upon taking office for the second time. Um, but I think it is, it fits very nicely into that idea of a continental power, military power. Um, and it could not only be used to, to keep people out or to defend North Americans from their so-called enemies abroad, but could also be used by these same AI Silicon Valley, um, freaks in order to exit, you know, keep control of those living on the continent too. (20:29 - 20:58) It's, it's not just an outside thing. It's also an inside thing. So, yeah, I, I think that these are all factors that not very many Albertans are paying that much attention to, but I think if they don't take that contextual, both history, but, but also present context into consideration, they're going to make all sorts of missteps and not think about proper strategies that could deal with these real things, economic collapse, oncoming global war, oncoming technocratic control grid over North America. (20:58 - 21:21) These are all things that we should be as proper revolutionaries. If that's what we think we are, uh, thinking about dealing with as, as expressions of what this evil empire, um, wants to, to do to take away even more of our freedoms. Not even just Albertans like you bringing up Mark Carney and a lot of this is a Canada problem because everybody unfortunately now has Mark Carney as their prime minister. (21:22 - 21:42) Um, but a lot of people I've heard talk about if they do know anything about Mark Carney, it's, Oh, the, the financial economic crisis that we are about to go into. And it's like, yes, totally. However, but you bring up again, this European union big picture and every Canadian really needs to have a stake in this game. (21:42 - 21:49) As I know my family certainly does because we got a bunch of young people in the house. It's not just me, Maycee. It is my brother and then his girlfriend. (21:49 - 22:09) And then, and in that European deal that Mark Carney signed onto, there's also under the whole guise of conscription. So this whole bringing us into the European union, some people may think, Oh, this is, this is cool. Now we're cooperating more, but it's not about trade cooperation though. (22:09 - 22:26) That would be great. This is more about, again, you said this war that's ongoing, the war against everybody else. And this, this brings in the younger generation, this conscription idea, this is literal potential war. (22:26 - 22:41) And then they're going to use your technically Canada's future to go at it. And this is some people that Canadians, let alone Albertans are not looking at. They don't understand that there's conscription going on. (22:41 - 23:01) And that can, that's also something that I was wanting your opinion way back when. I'm not sure this is relevant regarding even the American revolution. They had some similar, um, there, there was conscription, if I'm not mistaken by Lincoln, but that was entirely different mode of attention. (23:01 - 23:12) You know, this is a conscription, not even from home. This is, this is to go towards something that most Canadians aren't loyal to. They aren't, they actually don't have no stakes in Europe. (23:13 - 23:21) Really? Yeah. No, I, yeah, absolutely. I mean, but that's the thing about some fights are just and must be fought. (23:21 - 23:36) Other fights are completely unnecessary. And there are simply being brought in order to, you know, impose, to destroy those wishing to avoid a system of enslavement by a higher power. And so that higher power is trying to pick a fight with, with say group. (23:37 - 24:03) Now there's this idea of natural law upon, upon whose side does justice reside? You know, both the Confederacy in the civil war, as well as those who were for the union, both believe that God was on their side. They're both, all sides were Christian. All sides were praying to God, but they had a very different idea of what the nature of human beings were, what the nature of, of societal self-organization should be based around, what principles, what moral values were. (24:03 - 24:34) Even God, what the nature of God was, because, you know, there's some slave owners are like, well, it's God says that we have the right tone or slaves, you know? So yeah, they're saying like, like slavery is, is in the Bible. There's like little lessons for slaves to be good to their master and to just be good Christians and they'll look the other way. And so they, they really latched onto those elements of the Bible in order to justify their peculiar lifestyle that involves in many ways, something that was in sort of out of their control. (24:34 - 25:24) Cause many of these slave owners were themselves as Frederick Douglass had made the point more enslaved than the slaves that they owned because they were born into something that made them almost like a drug addict, right? That, that, that was dependent upon keeping and subjugating human cattle for the sake of picking cotton and just doing manual labor. But that meant that these people were bestialized themselves because they couldn't develop their human qualities. They couldn't develop real talents of their mind because they were so busy just thinking, how do I keep control of my system? Would you say that's analogous to like, you know, the East and the West dichotomy that's been going on like Quebec and Ontario to the, all of the financial support that the West has been giving them? Is that like a similar dynamic with this dependency or? Yeah. (25:24 - 25:27) Well, I think that there's, there is that. Yeah. To a certain degree. (25:27 - 25:39) I think that it's a good observation that they have been, and here's, so here's two things about that. Most Quebecois, I can't speak for Ontarians. I've been living in Quebec my whole life. (25:39 - 25:50) So I've got more of a finger on the pulse there. I would say as, as people, they don't think at all about equalization payments. Most Quebecois people don't even know that it's a thing. (25:50 - 25:57) They think that their economy is viable. They've got tons of hydroelectric power. They've been gutted. (25:57 - 26:18) I mean, hollowed out through outsourcing of our heavy industry that we once had much more of. So we've been, we've suffered just like everybody has suffered from globalization, outsourcing to cheap labor countries that served as our sweatshops for our consumerism. But we still have like, you know, a certain type of robust, you know, digital economy, video games and stuff. (26:18 - 26:28) So there's a sense of, of people believe that the economy of Quebec is entirely run by and made possible through the activities of Quebec. They don't know. Most don't. (26:28 - 26:34) Now the elites know of Quebec. They know that there's equalization payments. They find it yummy and they want more. (26:34 - 27:13) Um, but the average citizen has no clue. And a lot of that too, is due to the fact that like, why doesn't Canada, why isn't Quebec able to like utilize as much of their revenue from hydroelectric power and sales of hydroelectric power to industry, to other, you know, to the United States, um, that has a lot to do with things like NAFTA, the North America, the North American free trade agreement, which still has many vicious, um, aspects that. Forced the sale of our, our electricity forced us to sell so cheap that it didn't even cover the cost of maintaining the, the actual, um, hydroelectric dams, unless we sold to Ontario or he sold to the Maritimes. (27:13 - 27:49) So if they, the, the Ontario or other provinces would have to pay many times more what, uh, people in Buffalo or, you know, New York would pay for a New York state would pay for, um, exported Quebec hydroelectric power. Um, so that's part of the, this disgusting thing that the British empire didn't wire in Canada as one nation that would be divided by itself that would not even enjoy free trade amongst the provinces, which has never been permitted. So the pro the provinces were never permitted to grow and become a unified type of part of a, of a greater harmonious whole by design. (27:50 - 28:27) And then there was a subjugation and a diminishment of the ability of each one of the provinces, especially Quebec, which did represent it one time, a long time ago, the most anti-imperial Promethean cultural spark of beauty. I would say that that was anywhere located due to the fact that the British had, had, uh, abused so viciously over generations, the Quebec people, um, going back to the seven years war at the end of the seven years war in 1763, all the way up until the 20th century. And there was a deep Republican spirit and tendency to fight Ella, you know, Louis Joseph Papineau and the leader of the, the rebellion movement. (28:28 - 29:04) Um, a lot of that, that vitality, which again was, was brought back to life in the 1950s. It had a lot of life in the sixties, but it was just smothered and crushed because it exerted such a fear into the hearts of the oligarchs managing Canada, um, that they want to then cripple us. And then, like you said, I think, yeah, keep the, the province addicted to increasing rates of revenue from other parts of Canada, Alberta being the big one that were then also kept from standing on their own two feet economically, because it was known by the figures around Pierre Elliott Trudeau. (29:05 - 29:37) Um, and many of them were cited in, uh, in the, in the various presentations by, uh, by Mitch Sylvestre and others, um, Marc LaLonde, Keith Davies being just two notable members of the Trudeau network that saw that, okay, if BC and Alberta of the 1960s or seventies were able to actually like get there, get together and do something, maybe they would, they would definitely inspire Saskatchewan. And they have, they're the only parts of Canada that have the economic viability that would stand on its own two feet and become a sovereign country. So we can't let that. (29:37 - 30:05) And we have to cripple them in a variety of ways. So in many ways, yeah, I think it's similar to what was done to the Confederates. Um, most, most of whom didn't own slaves, but their whole culture was, was made degenerate based on the idea of utilizing human cattle, um, and getting addicted to the revenue you acquired by exporting cheap cotton to again, England, um, and not being able to have manufacturing, not having any heavy industry or advanced science was not allowed to be a part of their economy. (30:05 - 30:20) And it was even baked into their, their Confederate constitution that no slave shall ever be permitted to go free, um, free trade. And the legalization of protectionism was baked into the Confederate constitution too. So you could see that it was really an economic war to keep them down. (30:20 - 30:43) And in that sense, what Lincoln was doing was defying that, that anti-human agenda and all of its facets. Um, you know, so he was definitely on the side, I would say of, of justice in that fight. Whereas, yeah, the, the oncoming talk of conscription that they have baked into the current conversation, both for the Europeans, as well as for Canadians, we're not going to be on the right side of that war. (30:43 - 31:14) That's a war that's being artificially created, um, to bring onto Russia in order to turn Russia into a slave colony and destroy the proud spirit of that people as Hitler had earlier tried to do by extending, you know, Germany's power and the broader fascist power over the course of, of an area that became very closely, you know, similar to the expansion of NATO. Just look at the growth of Nazism and compare it to the expansion of NATO since, you know, especially 1995. And you'll see some strange similarities. (31:14 - 32:09) And then you look at the fact that many of the leaders of NATO, including Ursula von der Leyen, or not the, she's not of NATO, but of Europe, um, uh, Merz of Germany, or even Chrystia Freeland or the new MI6 director and look at their grandparents and they're all not just Nazis, but high level SS Nazis, like of the highest level that were then given new employment after world war two, in order to be a part of NATO secret armies and the creation of NATO itself. Um, that was, you know, carrying on what the Nazis failed to do, but under a new democratic veneer, you know, fascism with democratic face became the name of the game. And that's what has sort of swept over the, the military considerations that Canada has participated in since the bombing of Yugoslavia in the late nineties that killed over 60, 70,000 civilians that destroyed so many countries in the middle East by forces that did 911 that had nothing. (32:10 - 32:52) You know, the, it's not like 911 was really done by a guy in a cave, the way we've been told it was done by these types of agencies that have taken over the CIA that killed JFK that murdered Martin Luther King jr. And that played a very nefarious role in, in, you know, bringing martial law to Quebec in the 1970s, which also was a part of my speech. And I think it's still a factor in shaping decision-making in, um, in, you know, Canadian intelligence agencies today, which again, fall back to what do independence minded people and organizers have to think about? Well, that's a big one is like, well, there's, there's, we're dealing with a very vicious intelligence apparatus. That's tied to something very old, very bad. (32:52 - 33:04) And that has done very bad things that we can prove. And that is ready and willing to do it again to subvert any type of peaceful effort. If, if people are not wise to its operations, once again, here in Alberta. (33:06 - 33:26) Yeah, that was a lot, but like a good, like you painted it very well. And like, I guess for people who might've thought that was a lot, um, I think that something that resonates is the fact that it's like, I, when we were first hearing about the Alberta independence push, I was a little bit skeptical. Cause I thought I had your context in my head. (33:26 - 33:33) So I thought, okay, we know what happens when they divide, they do conquering. Right. And I was like, okay. (33:33 - 34:36) Like, cause I was thinking, how would it be beneficial if we Alberta were to separate and what would that look like? And it means that we are taken stripped away and then Canada starts to fragment a bit. And then what does that look like? Then I, I agree with you in the sense where there's not really much of a, um, national identity that's based on something that's actually like fundamentally good for human beings and like for success of prosperity, because that's not what Canada, as you're saying and what Matthew's alerting to is that we weren't set up for that. If we were set up where, um, cause even when you guys were talking about Quebec, um, not being aware of the equalization payments, but maybe the oligarchy is it's like, I think in Ben Trudeau's speech, he was saying that Quebec's like number seven on the list when it comes to the payments actually, because, so they're not even near the top, but like regardless the fact that, um, they themselves are also subjugated to, um, like, as you were saying, the slave, uh, master, now you're so dependent and reliant upon, um, your slaves to do the work for you. (34:36 - 34:48) Kind of like what left hemisphere likes to actually go out and do the work, right? It's like, sure it could, but it would rather just somebody else go do it for it. Right. And so now that's what the slave master was, but you never know what he could have been. (34:48 - 35:02) It's like, he could have been a great scientist that contributed like many amazing discoveries to try and make things better. And then therefore, consequently, all this human suffering doesn't have to happen. These people don't have to be bare minimum addicted to what you were saying. (35:02 - 35:33) Like we're so kept down that, that even like bare minimum, we can produce raw resources and then sell it. And we're like, yeah, look, we're doing so well economically. And it's like, we don't even refine our own oil, right? You know what I mean? And so, but that larger picture is important to keep in context because when I thought about you going to speak at the event, I was very excited because I was like, most people also don't really pay attention to even the idea of what would be the vision once we get what it is that we want. (35:33 - 36:08) It's like what economically would be the vision. And then that's why we're trying to even understand through me and Maddie trying to understand your work and you trying to create your amazing work is like, well, what are other countries doing now that maybe we're not doing and what has been the historical presidents behind that? Because even if we're looking at things like Russia and like China, it's like, yeah, we can say that there's some things maybe in China where it's like, oh, there's some technocracy things that could be getting built up. Again, things are way more nuanced than people give life credit for. (36:09 - 36:33) And it's like, what are some of the things that they're helping to actually keep themselves with that national pride? Like you were mentioning Russia, that national pride, that national identity, because they've created something that is actually successful and helpful for the people. We just are now split where Alberta and Quebec and consequently every other province in Canada is like, well, if I can just do my own little mini thing over here, look at me go. Right. (36:33 - 36:46) But we don't even have the ability to trade amongst each other. Right. And then that doesn't create national identity because there isn't like you're less likely to fight your neighbor if you're trading with them and you have agreements with them and you're cooperating with them. (36:46 - 37:05) It's like that's a basic thing. Like if you go and you borrow sugar from your neighbor and you have good conversations and maybe you have like bonfires at your house, you're building good rapport and connection. And so when even on a local level, it's like when you're shopping local, it's like, why do people, why is that so important? Because if someone was paying for like my cleaning services. (37:05 - 37:08) Right. And I was paying for their services or whatever. Right. (37:08 - 37:12) And more conversations get going. There's a dependence upon one another, but a healthy dependence. Right. (37:12 - 37:16) It's like, it's not, it's not codependency. It's reciprocity. Right. (37:16 - 37:25) And so then we have this and then we're able to potentially if something happens to me, it's like, hold on now. No, no, no. I groomed their dog and they're great people. (37:25 - 37:30) Fuck off. Step down. You know what I mean? It's like now you created something on that little micro to the macro. (37:30 - 37:35) It's like there's something, a family almost. Right. But we just, yeah, we don't have that. (37:35 - 37:54) No, I like that you bring that up because that's the, that's the one thing that some people, this, this is a, this whole program Home Squared and then Will Dove, the Iron Will, Iron Wire Daily. Yeah, pardon my swear, by the way. This is a Canadian platform. (37:54 - 38:46) And the thing we've gotten feedback, and this is the real, this is the knot that ties this whole thing together across Canada is that we are all, and this is one thing that I've heard from Alberta and even, even Daniel Smith is kind of on this line, but a lot of Albertans, they don't, again, they don't have that necessarily big patriotism towards Alberta, but this whole line that you've been painting, Matthew, and then Macy, you bring up this whole, if we can bring the bottom line up because everybody wants to share their potential with one another. We don't even know what the potential is right now because we've been so subjugated to the limits to growth. But a lot of Albertans, aside from this Alberta patriotism, the APP and some of the people that are in it, they're not necessarily in it just for Alberta, they're in it because they want to trade with their neighbors. (38:46 - 39:12) And if we get to control our own regulations, now suddenly we can make new trade deals. Now we can trade with the people and help bring up that bottom line because a lot of Albertans, even though there's this APP and it looks on the face as if it's this isolated entity, it's really not. A lot of Albertans want to and have this identity, they resonate with the rest of Canadians. (39:12 - 39:48) Yes, maybe there's this false image and there definitely is about what Canada is, but there's also just, Matthew, what you talk about all the time, this universal humanity that everybody just has this to cooperate with one another and this desire to do good and help one's neighbor as Macy talked about. That's a lot of also just what's moving and promoting this movement. That's the Promethean fire is just to get from under the foot because then you can come in and save because we're all subjugated to this slave system that now is currently Mark Kearney. (39:48 - 40:13) It's much bigger and there's a lot of other branches that go off from Mark Kearney, but we're all as Canada subjugated to that. And this Alberta movement is just one way of us being able to help promote a cooperation with the rest of whomever wants to participate in that journey of which I do believe is majority of Albertans. Oh yeah, no, absolutely. (40:13 - 40:29) And I think that the majority of Canadians don't want economic suicide. They don't want to be thrown as cannon fodder the way that poor Ukrainian men have been thrown into the fires as proxies for some foreign war against Russia. Yeah, I don't want to go to war for Europe. (40:30 - 41:07) No, and you could just see that that's been, that has really tainted our own past. You know, Canadians being convinced in the case of the Boer war to go off and save the prestige of the British empire by killing a bunch of innocent, you know, Dutch resistance fighters who are fighting that they're in, they did their own abuses to their, to black people in Africa too. But it wasn't a war that needed to be fought in any way, but it was Britain projecting power and using people who were under-informed and drank too much romantic pro-British empire, you know, historical Kool-Aid and revisionist books that convinced them that this is something worth dying for. (41:07 - 41:45) And they did in big numbers. And then they did it again in World War I, another banker's war that had nothing. You know, no one today can properly explain the real satisfying reason why World War I happened, but it's only when you look critically at what was going on behind the scenes that you could appreciate the whole thing was artificially organized by forces in London and in Wall Street in order to, you know, break up a potential emerging alliance of cooperative nation states back then that wanted to avoid, to break humanity free of empire, to use the power of the nation state, to develop the best of their people and to work together to create situations of greater opportunities for peace and prosperity. (41:45 - 42:10) And that was the whole point that had to be destroyed when the chessboard was kicked over in the years leading up to World War I. World War II, again, wouldn't have happened were it not for a bunch of bankers in London and Wall Street. And, you know, the Prescott Bush patriarch of the family have to go and put so much effort into funding Hitler and Nazism as the great solution to the economic depression that they themselves also created in the 20s. No, they didn't have to happen. (42:10 - 42:30) Didn't have to happen at all. But once it did, they were ready to throw a lot of bodies into the mix, into the fire when Hitler started going off the rails and they aborted that Hitler New World Order project to rewire things and fight another day and reexercise their idea of a new world order again. So none of these things ever had to happen. (42:30 - 43:24) So what I would say, like when one of the things I tried to do in my presentation towards the end was to get across that, you know, Canada has an amazing story and there's been a lot of impressive and inspired fights for progress, you know, and but when you look at the case studies of how we built the big projects that had a vision behind it going back to the 50s and the 60s, and I use the case studies in my presentation of W.A.C. Bennett's British Columbia, that was the premier from 1952 to 72. And the union, the National Union Party of Quebec that was in power in the 50s and came back into power at certain key moments in the 60s. It was always through the provinces utilizing their impressive powers to control their own economic destiny and wrestle that power away from Ottawa that was always trying to sabotage provincial aspirations to bring a vision into reality. (43:25 - 44:39) And there's concrete case studies, so many really, and that was really how Quebec was able to blossom and to have the hydroelectric renaissance that it did was through a loan not from Ottawa because Ottawa was refusing to provide any support to those ideas, but rather it was through W.A.C. Bennett's B.C. who said, we'll give you $100 million loan, build those dams, build a better culture, and we'll build a special B.C., you know, Quebec relationship. And at the same time, once that's done, you're going to have a higher cognitive power in the population that has more pride for having like built something real for their kids that then totally shifts the power of that society to be citizens. And they were able to then utilize their, again, Ben Trudeau was, I think, had a lot of, there was a lot he was very correct on some things I disagree with, but he was right to say that the type of government that we have in Canada, as dishonest as the British empire was when it crafted it to keep Canadian provinces divided, does give provinces a massive amount of authority beyond belief when you have real leadership that uses it as Quebec did in those days to even go to foreign countries to create treaties like Hydro-Quebec did to many African countries outside of the authority of Ottawa. (44:39 - 45:05) And a case could legally be made very, very succinctly for other provinces that could do the same thing as well. So, you know, there's so much that shows us types of pathways, types of strategies that work well, but we're so disconnected from this history that I think we're just we're not using these lessons as much as we could right now in the current fight. Puzzles, I feel like it could be a stepping stone. (45:05 - 45:32) Like it's like, even if, for example, we didn't get an independence that we wanted, because perhaps Mark Carney, as he was saying, Canada's not for sale. It's like, well, maybe Alberta's just also not going to be able to, he might pull us back. You know what I mean? It's like, even what I liked about Ben Trudeau's presentation is that idea of he was saying, well, maybe we're not using the constitution all the ways that we could, because there were lots of examples where he was like, Quebec was able to decide what it is that they want to put in their grocery stores. (45:32 - 45:43) They're allowed to decide what it is that they want to put in their hospitals. It's like there's some things where we are still just very limited and restricted here in Alberta. But Quebec has some ways of doing that, as he was talking about. (45:43 - 45:54) But even then, as I was like, as I would agree, in the sense where it's just like, but only if we do it right. And that's the thing. It sounds like the biggest thing is we need to get really freaking educated. (45:54 - 46:21) Yeah, that's the problem with Quebec is that, yeah, we, it's true that these things were created by patriots many decades ago that gave them certain mechanisms that have been used to protect Canadian dairy or Quebec farming dairy. I mean, Quebec doesn't have fluoride for a reason. And also, you know, there's much higher standards in farming than anywhere else in North America, in Quebec. (46:21 - 46:31) You just can't go full GMO in everything you do there. Now it's getting worse and worse over the past 20 years. But there's been a lot that has protected Quebec food and health for a long time. (46:31 - 47:20) However, the technocracy ideology and the corruption within the civil service has also spread like a cancer. And you've got some sick, sick ideologues positioned in very powerful seats all throughout these different institutions in Quebec that are very happy to, you know, murder, to use their power not to improve the lives, but to reduce the lives of many of those Quebec while living there. So then, like, yeah, how do you have the specialists in place that are going to manage these things when everyone has been, or so many people have been so indoctrinated by an anti-human politicized George Soros, you know, fused education system? Yeah, there's this, I bring up Peter McCaffrey for his section. (47:20 - 47:25) He was another speaker at the event. And again, I encourage everybody, all Canadians. He did a great presentation. (47:25 - 47:33) That was fun. The biggest takeaway that I had from his presentation is he painted that line. And that's what Macy just kind of brought up. (47:33 - 48:04) It's like, even if we get all of the same things that Quebec has on the line, we will have moved closer towards equality, you know, if the goal was equality, but we're still not going to be equal, but we'll have moved closer to equality. So it's like, those are good steps to get closer, but it won't solve the final thing. And one thing that, it was funny because dad actually talked about the story today. (48:04 - 48:24) Dad worked on the rigs for 17 years and he talked about that gas, that really deadly gas and it would knock somebody out. And our instinct, I think this is the instinct of all Canadians, you know, you see a province in distress and you don't want them to, you know, stay down. You want to go and like, no, no, stay with us. (48:24 - 48:37) They're like trying to hold Alberta in its grasp. Don't separate, don't divide. But the thing is with that gas is that if you go in and try to save the person or drag them out, you yourself go down. (48:37 - 48:46) It's just that quick, it knocks you out. So we have to fight our initial instinct. Like dad said, literally on the rigs, and he's had to do this. (48:46 - 49:10) He had to fight and they teach you how to fight your initial instinct, which is what you and Masood are saying, getting educated. You understand the nature of the enemy, which is this gas. And then also Mark Carney and this bigger picture and this European, new European, Europa idea and understand it so you don't just go in and then you can put on your gear and then you go and save them. (49:10 - 49:45) And honestly, the way I see Alberta separation, and this is why this is not just an Alberta thing, this is a Canada thing, is that Alberta cannot help anybody if we like, if we just go in to the dividing and the this demolition of Canada that's going on, we can't do it if we don't put on our gear. So to me, Alberta separation is really putting on our gear so we can go and and a lot of people want to help the rest of Canadians because this is not just like a Canada identity thing. This is a humanity thing. (49:45 - 50:02) And if Mark Carney is as bad as even you have, you got a ongoing series that I wanted to bring up on Mark Carney. So if people go to the Canadian Patriot Press on YouTube or Rumble or Rumble, yeah, you can do that on Rumble. It's Matt Ehret on Rumble. (50:02 - 50:11) There's the dystopic mission of Mark Carney. This is episode one. And then you can there's this is part two, part three is about to be released. (50:11 - 50:26) You can find it easily or if you go to like playlists on YouTube anyway, and I'll be in shorts right here. But people should go and watch that to understand, you know, this enemy that we're about to fight. But that's, that's about to a mission to destroy humanity. (50:26 - 50:41) That's limits to gross, that's the WEF, that's depopulation. This is not just a Canada thing. And there's a lot of Albertans that care about other people and don't want to see these other people go into the next dark age, which really does sound like it's coming. (50:42 - 51:04) So it's like the kind of big takeaway that I've gotten from this conversation is that this Alberta separation thing, even people that aren't necessarily patriotic towards Alberta, this is how we put on our gear and go save the individual that just got killed or put knocked out by the gas. We're trying to prevent further damage. And to do that, we have to step back first. (51:04 - 51:24) Otherwise we ourselves are going down. So this is really a mission for Canada is how a lot of Albertans do see it. There is the Alberta Patriots, but a lot of people just see this greater human to human resonance that they really want to help and to help facilitate this. (51:24 - 51:34) We need to watch your shorts and stuff like that. Get educated on what this gas really is. Yeah, thank you for promoting the little shorts too. (51:35 - 52:00) But yeah, I think it's well said. And I really did like Peter McCaffrey's presentation very much. And I think it did make a certain amount of strategic sense because he was making the point that using that extremity of one massive extreme, imagine Alberta is totally subjugated and enslaved with zero freedoms. (52:01 - 52:12) It's a slave colony of Ottawa. On the opposite end of the extreme, let's say Alberta is full imperial. It was a funny scenario to build up. (52:12 - 52:20) Full imperial, has total control. The capital of Canada is in Edmonton or something. Has full control over the Senate. (52:21 - 52:32) Everybody is mandated to eat pancakes for breakfast by law. It's pretty funny. But then he's like, OK, let's let's look in the middle and things start getting a little bit more imaginable or realizable. (52:33 - 53:16) And he was making the point that if we promote a strategy that calls for taking more controls into Alberta's economic hands and political hands outside of Ottawa's control, which involves, you know, we could feasibly just simply end the equalization agreements by renegotiating our relationship with Ottawa. There's way more say than a lot of even Albertans realize that Alberta has over the strategies that it undertakes for cultivating and developing its economic powers and building trade relations, you know, both with other. Yeah, there's a lot we could do. (53:16 - 53:33) It's quite astounding. And then if Ottawa, if Mark Carney and his ilk proceed to sabotage completely reasonable points of negotiation, then that would take people who are still on the fence. A lot of a lot of people in Alberta are really on the fence. (53:33 - 53:53) They would really rather stay with Canada, with Canada as a whole. And I get that. But if they could see that all of these reasonable requests are being just demolished, ignored and dishonored by by Carney, who would not be acting in good faith, that would probably tip over a lot more people to become much more sympathetic, ultimately, to the cause of building up real independence movement. (53:53 - 54:20) And I think I think that Peter McCaffrey was correct, because there's a lot of people in the urban centers who are not ready for it. You know, the rural Alberta is very ready for it. But, you know, from what I've gathered in just speaking to people in Calgary and getting to know sort of the demographics in Edmonton, there's a lot of education that still needs to be done to tip over the younger generation, the urban generations that, you know, we'd like to say that their opinion doesn't really matter. (54:20 - 54:37) But it helps a lot to get them on your side if you want a real independence movement. And, you know, there's a lot of there's a lot of things to deal with. There's a civil service, which is like staffed with NDP liberal ideologues who are there in the Alberta civil service that are going to provide sabotage. (54:37 - 55:10) There's intelligence ops that are going to be done, too. And this reminds me a little bit of what Sun Yat-sen, the first president of the Republic of China, was writing about in in his Principles of the People. And he formulated many people don't know this, but China's founding father, who overthrew the hereditary dynasties in 1911, was a Christian, Confucian, American educated hero, Dr. Sun who was dealing with a lot of hotheaded. (55:10 - 55:30) I mean, a lot of the the younger people that he was trying to mobilize in the 1920s as far as creating, OK, you've got a nation, but what does it do? How does you how do you make this state? You've declared it a republic, but you've got all sorts of problems now. They're multigenerational. You still have foreign agencies from the British Empire through Hong Kong, through Shanghai, exerting a massive amount of influence. (55:31 - 56:00) What do you do about this? And a lot of the hotheaded younger kids were just so fed up by not having a future. They just wanted to to to light things on fire. There was a very anarchistic mentality that many Bolsheviks were very happy to capitalize on. But Sun Yat-sen was really warning them that, no, you have to really let go of this formula. And he writes about this this formula that's that asserted that understanding is easy, action is hard. And he's like, no, no, no, no. (56:00 - 56:06) You have it all upside down. The understanding is the hard one. The action is the easy one. (56:06 - 56:20) Anyone can go out and do a color revolution and be part of a mob. That's easy action. But if that wouldn't happen, you wouldn't be an anarchistic mob organized by foreign intelligence if you had people who were who understood what was going on. (56:20 - 56:50) And so that's why he wrote his principles of the people and his international development strategy for China program in 1919, which people can read. I think would actually feed the the creative understanding of a lot of Albertans today, ironically, to read. It's available for free to find online, just Google Sun Yat-sen principles, the people modeled where he was trying to model his society on the studies that he made of Abraham Lincoln and Lincoln's principles of the three principles of the people, you know, and really fleshing it out in a thoroughly composed manner. (56:50 - 57:16) That is a really good read. Ironically, it would probably help them understand that they've been lied to about a lot of things that they're being told about China, who they're, you know, many good Canadians are being convinced that this is their enemy that we have to be prepared to go to war with as well as Russia. And they don't realize that it's the very same CSIS RCMP intelligence agents tied to MI6 that gave us. (57:17 - 57:20) Oh, there it is right there. Yeah. The principles of the people PDF. (57:20 - 57:22) That's a that's the book. Read it. Love it. (57:22 - 57:46) Fantastic. And yes, the same like the source of a lot of the gossip and narratives that were being fed, trying to paint China as the natural enemy trying to destroy Canada. These are the sources originate from the MI6 RCMP CSIS storehouse tied to the CIA that did so many things like 9-11 that killed our own people to justify new wars, to justify surveillance dragnets. (57:46 - 58:10) Like the FLQ, sorry, FLQ as well. The FLQ terrorist cults that was a shell company or basically a shell. It was a shell organization used by the RCMP, and they were caught red handed doing that that then justified the military clampdown in 1970 in Quebec that traumatized so many Quebecois baby boomers who still are affected emotionally by what was done to them. (58:10 - 59:04) And they have no idea that the FLQ were not an independence movement, although there were people who were independence minded who became recruited into it because they didn't take the time to understand what they were joining when all of a sudden, you know, letter bombs were being spread throughout Quebec, you know, and ultimately that's the sort of thing that I think that hopefully my books as well. The Untold History of Canada book series can help people sort of navigate through some of these traps because it's the same formula. The stuff that Sonia Tsen was dealing with through British intelligence operations to try to radicalize and to make violent the independence minded groups that were trying to fight for a new country, that were the same formula and the same agencies that were doing it again that killed JFK, that did these things in the 60s in Quebec and that are still behind, you know, Islamic terrorism today. (59:05 - 59:14) And we paint a picture of a lot of this stuff in those books that you're looking at right now on that screen. Thank you, Madison. I swear, guys, we don't plan the plugs. (59:14 - 59:28) It's just, you know, it needs to be plugged. Cool. Maycee, do you want to do any closing thoughts or final remarks for everybody here? I don't think there's any other PDFs or shorts. (59:28 - 59:41) And those are shorts, by the way, the ones that I alluded to earlier, they're like on Mark Carney, like they're not that long. So people can take like 10 minutes if you're doing dishes or something. Yeah, if you're on like a smoke break at work, you can just watch. (59:41 - 59:44) Yeah. Yes. Oh, my God, smoke break. (59:44 - 1:00:13) It's like that's a little bit ironic. No, I think that what Matthew's saying, Sun Yat-sen, actually, consequently, upstream said about the fact that you need to understand that would be a good place to try and tell people to go and navigate so you can try to better understand what it is that you're walking into. Because then consequently, we also have to understand how could the Alberta independence movement be used as a trap too? Because again, like there's just so many every decision that you make, it's almost like there is two. (1:00:14 - 1:00:38) It's like you're walking on the edge of a knife and like there's two there's two ways that it could go. And if you're not paying attention, then one slip and the whole thing could just go and collapse. And as Matthew said, he's like the word you use the word destroy, but it could very well destroy what it is that would be human prosperity and progress modeled based off of context that most people just don't understand. (1:00:38 - 1:00:54) And they really they should try to because that way, then you can call yourself a proper revolutionary because then you actually put in the work to understand, well, what am I revolting against? So, yeah, so I think that that that would be a good place to go and guide people. And so, yeah. Sweet, cool. (1:00:55 - 1:01:03) Thank you for joining us, Matthew and everybody else watching. This was... It's been an hour, sorry. It's been an hour, but this is a very important hour. (1:01:03 - 1:01:15) So if people are not just for Alberta, but if you're for Canada, help Alberta help you and look up the Alberta Prosperity Project. No joke. Absolutely. (1:01:16 - 1:01:21) Thanks, guys. Yeah. Well, everybody, this has been Home Squared. (1:01:22 - 1:01:23) And Matthew's like, yeah, I'm joining.