The Plot to Get RFK

An apparent leaked minutes document suggests that a trade association held a meeting in April to undo the confirmation of Kennedy by the duly elected US Senate. It is embedded below.
Caveat and Clarification
All references to individuals, statements, or actions attributed in the leaked minutes of the BIO Vaccine Policy Steering Committee meeting held on April 3, 2025, should be understood as excerpts from an internal document that has not been publicly authenticated by the named parties. These statements represent the content of the document as obtained and published, and do not constitute confirmed factual claims about the intent, conduct, or positions of any individual mentioned. The document reflects the internal framing and strategy of BIO and is presented here for the public to assess, interpret, and investigate. Readers are encouraged to seek independent confirmation, request public statements from the individuals involved, and draw conclusions based on full context and corroborating evidence. The document was received anonymously by whistleblowers and provided to Popular Rationalism for public analysis. Its provenance is under review.
On the eve before the US Senate reconvenes, a detailed secret trade-association memo plotting the removal of US Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. has leaked. It reads like a coup attempt against regulatory reform—and they are spending millions to make sure Kennedy is out of office by September.
It seems that the Biotechnology Innovation Organization (BIO), whose membership includes Pfizer, Merck, Novavax, Vaxcyte, and hundreds of biotech firms that profit from regulatory insulation, has a mole. This article critiques the documented lobbying behavior of the trade group BIO, not the internal operations or clinical data of its member corporations.
When the nation’s leading pharmaceutical trade group convenes a closed-door strategy meeting and openly discusses the need to “go to The Hill and lobby that it is time for RFK Jr. to go,” the issue is no longer health policy—it is democratic integrity.
According to the apparent leaked minutes, verified by the name of the creator of the file, on April 3, 2025, BIO held a “Vaccine Policy Steering Committee” (VPSC) meeting whose internal summary, soon to be publicly available thanks to whistleblowers, reveals a campaign of strategic deception, institutional capture, and psychological warfare and exposes a campaign of institutional deception, investor protection, and coordinated sabotage of the MAHA reform platform.
According to the leaked document, titled “BIO Vaccine Policy Steering Committee – April 3, 2025”, BIO has committed $2 million—half of its cash reserve—to counter what it calls the “threat” posed by Kennedy’s rise. But this is no ordinary PR push. It is a multi-pronged campaign designed to deceive the public, silence dissent, and preserve industry dominance through influence operations masquerading as science.
The Plot Exposed
The document opens with a blunt political calculation: Kennedy’s candidacy threatens investor confidence, regulatory predictability, and the long-term viability of the vaccine business. BIO leadership in the apparent leaked document states plainly: “It is time to go to The Hill and lobby that it is time for RFK Jr to go.”
To achieve this, according to the document, BIO intends to deploy surrogates across the political spectrum, co-opt conservative influencers, and bypass direct engagement with the Kennedy campaign altogether. Among the figures named as potential allies in this covert effort: Dr. Mehmet Oz, former Senator Richard Burr (former Senator NC; Advisor DLA Piper Health Policy Steering Committee), Senator Bill Cassidy (in a section of the document focused on strategic influencer engagement and legislative positioning), and the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). These individuals and institutions, the memo suggests, can provide a veneer of bipartisan legitimacy to BIO’s core aim: neutralize Kennedy without ever addressing the substance of his critique.
Follow the Money
The most revealing detail is that $2 million—precisely half of BIO’s entire $4 million reserve—has been allocated to vaccine communications, specifically a D.C.-area pilot campaign called “Why We Vaccinate.” The purpose is not education, but behavioral influence: to combine “inspire and frighten” tactics in order to manipulate public sentiment and legislative behavior.
Internal documents state clearly that the campaign’s goal is to appeal to the “movable middle” using emotionally charged messaging, capitalizing on fear messaging tied to national security, workforce resilience, and economic productivity.
Why such an aggressive push? Because, as Vaxcyte COO Jim Wassil apparently warned, “investors have stated they are leaving until the next data readout,” citing Kennedy’s “unpredictability” as a systemic disruption to the vaccine capital pipeline.
Given Kennedy’s demand for restored liability, long-term data, and placebo-controlled trials, BIO appears to view Kennedy’s proposals as a threat to the entire shortcut pipeline BIO built under EUA conditions.
BIO’s fear is not scientific opposition—it’s that Kennedy’s regulatory scrutiny may render their current profit model obsolete. “According to the document’s summary, one participant expressed concern that “Investors are sitting on the sidelines for the next 6–9 months.“ Capital has fled the vaccine sector, and Kennedy’s reform agenda is making it difficult for pharma executives to assure investors that the regulatory terrain remains exploitable.
As a reminder, these statements are drawn from the contents of an internal memo that has not been publicly confirmed by the named individuals. Interpretations remain provisional.
Hijacking Language
The VPSC meeting wasn’t just about funding. It was also about redefining language. BIO officials emphasized a shift in framing—from “protect,” “defend,” and “maintain” to “streamline,” “optimize,” and “enhance.”
But these are not reforms. They read as an attempt at narrative laundering operations. When BIO says “efficiency,” it means fewer safety requirements. When it says “resilience,” it means consumer obedience, not protection from harms from vaccines held to the Kennedy Bar. And when it says “transparency,” it means secretive PR-managed theater, not data disclosure.
This is rhetorical mimicry—a deliberate tactic to adopt the aesthetic of reform while preserving the machinery of capture. This differs from standard PR in that it aims to overwrite language itself: ‘transparency’ is redefined as brand polish; ‘efficiency’ as exemption from oversight—a deliberate attempt to steal the language of biomedical reform while ensuring that no structural reform ever occurs—and no one notices the difference.
Divide and Conquer
BIO’s strategic calculus is unmistakable: avoid confronting RFK, Jr. head-on and instead flood the surrounding narrative space with surrogate voices engineered to appear neutral, authoritative, and scientifically grounded.
The April 3 memo explicitly recommends targeting “Makary and Trump Insiders vs RFK, Jr.,” signaling an intention to bypass public debate in favor of internal triangulation. Within this framework, Dr. Mehmet Oz is floated as a potential “public health voice of reason within WH,” praised for his healthcare credentials and presumed credibility with conservative audiences.
While no specific action is proposed, the implication is clear—the document suggests BIO may aim to elevate Oz as a counterweight to Kennedy’s reform agenda by leveraging his media fluency and perceived scientific legitimacy to repackage industry talking points under the guise of responsible governance. This is not policy—it’s psychological misdirection through proxy, as the document implies.
The document also names AEI as a “trusted” conduit for pro-vaccine messaging, with Scott Gottlieb calling the MAHA movement a “cover for an anti-vaccine campaign.” It floats Dr. Oz as a possible public face of White House-aligned medical messaging. It outlines plans to use conservative constituents and influencers not to question BIO’s agenda, but to normalize it among skeptics.
Nowhere in the document is there any serious discussion of scientific debate. Nowhere is there a plan to confront Kennedy’s actual policy proposals—such as the Kennedy Bar, which calls for preclinical safety testing, raw data publication, long-term health tracking, and restoration of manufacturer liability. Instead, BIO’s plan is to erase Kennedy’s credibility through managed optics and surrogate deployment.
Fear of the Public
BIO’s own admissions reveal the true motive behind this campaign: fear. Not of disease, but of regulatory disruption. With RFK, Jr. and Commissioner Makary and team tightening standards, BIO executives are alarmed that predictable, post-market surveillance standards are expected to be enforced—and with them, the rapid market influence leverage built during Operation Warp Speed. Behind this campaign: fear. Not of disease, but of accountability.
Novavax, Merck, and Vaxcyte executives appear to express concern over ACIP’s new caution, the FDA’s slow-walking of approvals, and the crumbling of once-reliable regulatory shortcuts. With Kennedy and Commissioner Makary tightening the reins, BIO fears it can no longer exploit the revolving door between industry and agency.
One quote in particular encapsulates the panic: “They keep moving the goalposts on vaccines.”
This is simply not true. The goalposts aren’t moving. For the first time in decades, they are being reinstalled on the actual playing field of science, safety, and consent.
Why September Matters
Though the leaked memo from BIO’s Vaccine Policy Steering Committee never names September outright, its entire architecture reveals a timeline racing toward it. September marks a convergence point—political, narrative, and financial—where BIO knows it must have reshaped the battlefield or risk losing control of it entirely.
By then, Congress will be back in full session after its summer recess, and the fiscal year will near its end, placing vaccine policy, public health budgets, and FDA funding under the spotlight. Appropriations negotiations are not neutral in this climate—they are leverage points. If RFK, Jr. maintains or grows his influence through the summer, BIO faces the real possibility that reformist voices could restrict their easy funding pipelines, delay regulatory approvals, or demand hearings that expose industry-government entanglements.
September is also the reopening of the American schools – and the media mind. Fall marks the relaunch of political programming, the release of think tank policy reports, and the return of the elite opinion economy. BIO’s $2 million “Why We Vaccinate” campaign isn’t just a marketing push—it’s a narrative strike, timed to reassert emotional control over an audience emerging from summer’s distractions. They want to preempt Kennedy’s messaging before he dominates the fall discourse with facts, reform principles, and the moral clarity of a movement demanding consent.
Finally, September sets the tone for the next political cycle. Though national elections won’t be held until later, two House special elections will serve as bellwethers. Candidate filings, local endorsements, and policy positions will crystallize as donors and power brokers assess momentum. BIO knows it has a narrow window to discredit Kennedy before he becomes not just a candidate—but a coalition. That’s why the clock in the memo isn’t ticking toward November. It’s ticking toward September.
Global Implications
BIO’s apparent plot is not isolated. If the leak is genuine, and it appears so far to be, it aligns with other suppression architectures: ESG-based financial pressure on corporations to support mandates, WHO treaty harmonization that threatens sovereign health policy, and social media and AI systems that algorithmically suppress dissent.
- ESG-driven pharma score systems that reward coercive health mandates
- WHO treaty harmonization that threatens national sovereignty
- AI-based censorship systems that erase dissenting medical viewpoints
The April 3 memo must be read not just as a domestic political act, but as a nodal maneuver in a transnational agenda to control the terms of health, science, and consent.
One AEI-aligned strategist even claimed that MAHA was a ‘cover for an anti-vaccine campaign’—a telling attempt to delegitimize not arguments, but their right to exist. Pro-science is now anti-vaccine, and it has been for some time.
This isn’t a war against misinformation. It’s a war against public transparency in science. BIO fears Kennedy not because he is wrong, but because he has exposed the scaffolding of a regime that substitutes marketing for medicine. He has publicly pledged reforms that, if enacted, could disrupt the financial and regulatory relationships this memo appears to protect by requiring the firms actually follow the rules.
The $2 million smear campaign is not a show of strength. It is a confession of institutional fragility—a desperate gambit to buy time before the public finally demands the truth.
This is not a referendum on Kennedy. It is a referendum on whether regulatory science will serve the people or the shareholders.
And this time, the people have the receipts.
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Dr. James Lyons-Weiler is a research scientist and prolific author with over 55 peer-reviewed studies and three books to his name: Ebola: An Evolving Story, Cures vs. Profits, and The Environmental and Genetic Causes of Autism. He writes regularly on his Substack platform Popular Rationalism, where he shares scientific analyses, insights, and commentary, and contributes occasionally to The Defender published by Children’s Health Defense. He is Editori-in-Chief of Science, Public Health Policy & the Law.
Dr. Lyons-Weiler is the founder and CEO of the Institute for Pure and Applied Knowledge (IPAK), where he conducts and supports research in the public interest aimed at reducing human suffering. His work spans biomedical research, including vaccine safety science, genomics, bioinformatics, and cancer. He is also the founder of IPAK-EDU, an independent online educational platform offering rigorous science and health courses to the public.